The Bench Marks Foundation developed the concept of the Community Monitoring School because a vacuum of knowledge exists within communities when dealing with big corporations. The message of the Community Monitoring School is “nothing for us without us”. Tunatazama is a Kiswahili word that means “we are watching” and the 2013 school’s motto was “We are Watching You!” For any significant reform in the mines to occur, the present power and knowledge imbalances between corporations and communities need to be overcome. In Phase One of the school programme, the focus is on helping participants develop confidence and skills in documenting and analysing community problems. They write short articles on their observations and post these on the project’s website. Some of these articles appear in the first section of this publication. In Phase Two of the programme, direct action in the community is combined with school sessions on planning, review and evaluation. In the second section a reflective analysis is conducted on the process.
Governance and participation in health
Following Zambia’s independence in 1964, several thousand non-Zambian Africans were identified and progressively removed from the Copperbelt mines as part of a state-driven policy of ‘Zambianisation’. Curiously, this process has been overlooked among the multitude of detailed studies on the mining industry and Zambianisation, which is usually regarded as being about the removal of the industrial colour bar on the mines. This article challenges that perspective by examining the position and fate of non-Zambian African mineworkers, beginning with patterns of labour recruitment established in the colonial period and through the situation following independence to the protracted economic decline in the 1980s. Two arguments are made by the author. First, Zambian nationalism and the creation of Zambian citizenship were accompanied on the Copperbelt by the identification and exclusion of non-Zambians, in contrast to a strand in the literature which stresses that exclusionary nationalism and xenophobia are relatively recent developments. Second, one of the central and consistent aims of Zambianisation was the removal of ‘alien’ Africans from the mining industry and their replacement with Zambian nationals as a key objective of the Zambian government, supported by the mineworkers’ union.
Over 200 women farm workers from across the Western Cape marched to Parliament on Wednesday demanding that the Department of Agriculture, Forestry & Fisheries (DAFF) and the Department of Labour work together to ban 67 pesticides to protect the health of farm workers. They also want farmers to be held accountable if they disobey labour practices. Research done by the 'Women on Farms' project showed that 73% of women seasonal workers interviewed did not receive protective clothing and 69% came into contact with pesticides within an hour after it had been sprayed. For safety, different pesticides have their own “re-entry period” that has to be adhered to. The WFP campaign to ban pesticides is also being supported by Oxfam South African and Oxfam Germany. With the memorandum, members from Oxfam Germany handed over a placard with 29,302 signatures on it from German consumers supporting the ban.
In January the All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) for Africa working in coalition with the APPG for Diaspora, Development and Migration and the APPG for Malawi hosted a meeting in parliament to hear oral evidence on UK visa refusals for African visitors. Participating organisations and individuals gave numerous accounts of conferences, festivals, collaborations and business and trade partnerships that had been undermined due to legitimate African participants being denied visas. Statistics show that UK visa refusals are issued at twice the rate for African visitors than for those from any other part of the world. Evidence strongly demonstrates that the UKVI system lacks consistency, intelligence and any accountability. The immediate cost, needing to access the internet and to pay in a foreign currency all present initial barriers. Other than the practical barriers faced by the applicants, the huge distances between the place of application and where the decisions are made means they are usually made away from local expertise, context and insight that would have previously be held at the High Commissions. The last report on visa services, from the Independent Chief Inspector in 2014 found that over 40% of refusal notices were “not balanced, and failed to show that consideration had been given to both positive and negative evidence”. The panel heard that applicants are often refused based on a lack of proof or information that was not required or even mentioned under the guidelines for the application. The meeting concluded that the current system was not designed but has organically grown into something that is not fit for purpose.
Following the High-Level Meeting on Universal Health Coverage (UHC) UN member states are expected to show more financial and political commitment to accelerate progress towards UHC.. Different approaches have been taken by different countries in Africa for this. Rwanda has used affordable health finance and insurance mechanisms - financed by both the national government and individuals - as a crucial driver for UHC. In 2018, Kenya also unveiled a plan for reaching UHC by 2022 by piloting UHC in four counties. The prioritization of such policy options and the ways to implement them are seen to require a. context-dependent balancing act that should be grounded in the correct application of evidence in decision-making processes. This is obserbed to demand measures to build individual and institutional capabilities to generate and use evidence to support value-based design and implementation of relevant system-level policy reforms for UHC.
This study investigated how evidence used in the planning process affects decision-making and how stakeholders involved in planning perceived the use of evidence. Quantitative data was collected from district health annual work plans for 2012-2016 and from 'bottleneck analysis reports' for these years. Qualitative data was collected through semi-structured interviews with key informants from the two study districts. District managers reported that they were able to produce more robust district annual work plans when they used district-specific evidence. Approximately half of the prioritised activities in the annual work plans were evidence based. Procurement and logistics, training, and support supervision activities were the most prioritised activities. District-specific evidence and a structured process for its use to prioritise activities and make decisions in the planning process at the district level helped to systematise the planning process. However, the districts also reported having limited decision and fiscal space, inadequate funding and high dependency on external funding that did not always allow for the use of their own district evidence in planning .
In Sudan, the Tajamoo al-mihanyin al-sudaniyin or the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) is an alliance of independent professionals shrouded in mystery. Described as the “ghost battalion” by the now-deposed president Omar al-Bashir, the contemporary movement led by the SPA exerted influence on mobilizations and protest movements through sustained appeals, and built broad appeal and demonstrated a know-how of protests, applied within the social movement across the country. They initiated civil disobedience, rallies and marches in all parts of the country, focusing on women, displaced and exiled people, and on social justice and life on the margins. Moreover, they have taken the call to protest beyond the limits of major cities like Khartoum and across sectors—from resignation marches in outlying towns and provinces to the mobilization of dock workers in Port Sudan. The For a movement like the SPA there are challenges. Will its spirit remain strong or be exhausted? Will it be the guardian of this transition or its watchdog?
There is a growing push to include local voices in global health initiatives and policies to promote ownership of downstream implementation, but also to get a proper sense of the realities on the ground. Many governments gladly jump on the bandwagon. Yet when it comes to it, visa applications are often rejected on feeble grounds. Physicians and medical students with booked return flights, domestic hospital affiliations, formal invitation letters and even proof that they will not be a financial liability are rejected. Academia increasingly understands the need for local authorship and ownership of global health programmes, and rightfully so. However, a colonial trend persists in the wider community. Policies and resolutions are driven by high income country actors or government officials who are, by definition, detached from what is happening on the ground. Civil society actors who live among the realities of poverty are left behind.
The UK Home Office is reported to be accused of institutional racism and to be damaging British research projects through increasingly arbitrary and “insulting” visa refusals for African academics. In April, a team of six Ebola researchers from Sierra Leone were unable to attend vital training in the UK, funded by the Wellcome Trust as part of a £1.5m flagship pandemic preparedness programme. At the LSE Africa summit, also in April, 24 out of 25 researchers were missing from a single workshop. Shortly afterwards, the Save the Children centenary events were marred by multiple visa refusals of key guests. The article refers to a parliamentary inquiry into visa refusals hearing evidence that there is “an element of systemic prejudice against applicants”. In a letter in the Observer, 70 senior leaders from universities and research institutes across the UK warn that “visa refusals for African cultural, development and academic leaders … [are] undermining ‘Global Britain’s’ reputation as well as efforts to tackle global challenges”. The system is reported to be so difficult to predict or navigate that meetings, including conferences funded with British government money, are now being held in other countries.
BoLAMA report in a press statement that it has without much success made all efforts to engage and collaborate with the Government of Botswana on miners’ right to health, specifically for those suffering from TB and other occupational diseases. BoLAMA assert that TB rates in Botswana remain high and a multi-sectoral accountability framework is required. This framework which is aligned with the End TB Strategy and UN Political Declaration on TB requires key populations and civil society to work in collaboration with Governments. The regional TB/Silicosis class action is seen as an opportunity to reduce the economic hardships of ex-miners who due to contracting occupational lung diseases have been rendered redundant and not in gainful employment. The court case, to which BoLAMA has been party, is slated to be finalized in 2019. BoLAMA called on the Government of Botswana to; i) remember her commitments under the WHO EndTB Strategy from which the TB National Strategic Plan is aligned; ii) implement the UN Political Declaration on the fight against TB; iii) ensure an inter-ministerial committee including BoLAMA deal with ex-miners issues; and iv) provide support in the TB/Silicosis regional class suit.